For Less Crazy CEO Pay, We've Gotta Choose Together

One other interesting point from Desai, Brief, and George’s paper, on the problems with relying on the actions of individual corporations to stop the crazy CEO compensation problem we’ve got:

J. P. Morgan declared that top executives’ compensation should be capped at twenty times the wage of an average worker. However, unless all organizations adopt this rule, capping an executive’s wage will put a firm at a competitive disadvantage.

For instance, consider the case of Whole Foods Market Inc. In the 1980s, the salary of its CEO was pegged at 8 times the pay of the average worker. However, when its executives were persistenly made strong offers by its competitors, Whole Foods Market relented and raise the cap on executive compensation to 19 times that of the average worker. Other firms, such as Ben & Jerry’s, Herman Miller Inc., and Costco Wholesale Corp., that have tried to implement similar strategies of capping executive excess have also had limited success.

That said, it is worth noting that the success that many major baseball and other sports leagues have had in imposing a limit on their teams’ salaries is impressive. If businesses were to emulate them and simultaneously adopt such a policy, they may be more successful at limiting executive pay.

In other words, For Some Choices We’ve Gotta Choose Together.

Are New Yorkers More Patriotic Than South Carolinians?

Mark Mykleby, a friend of Thomas Friedman who works for the Joint Chiefs of Staff’s Office of the Chairman, published a letter in “his hometown paper, the Beaufort Gazette in South Carolina,” about the BP oil disaster. Friedman liked the letter so much he republished it in his column.

This isn’t BP’s or Transocean’s fault. It’s not the government’s fault. It’s my fault. I’m the one to blame and I’m sorry.

It’s my fault because I haven’t digested the world’s in-your-face hints that maybe I ought to think about the future and change the unsustainable way I live my life. If the geopolitical, economic, and technological shifts of the 1990s didn’t do it; if the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11 didn’t do it; if the current economic crisis didn’t do it; perhaps this oil spill will be the catalyst for me, as a citizen, to wean myself off of my petroleum-based lifestyle.

‘Citizen’ is the key word. It’s what we do as individuals that count.

For those on the left, government regulation will not solve this problem. Government’s role should be to create an environment of opportunity that taps into the innovation and entrepreneurialism that define us as Americans….

Here’s the bottom line: If we want to end our oil addiction, we, as citizens, need to pony up: bike to work, plant a garden, do something. So again, the oil spill is my fault. I’m sorry. I haven’t done my part. Now I have to convince my wife to give up her S.U.V.

I’ve got a question for Mykleby. Does he think folks who live in New York City are more patriotic or better citizens than the folks in South Carolina?

After all, almost nobody who lives in New York City owns a car let alone an SUV. They don’t live in oil-guzzling McMansions. And they have a much smaller carbon footprint.

Actually, it’s worse than that. If Mykleby thinks the “terrorist attacks of September 11″ is one of “the world’s in-your-face hints” to “change the unsustainable way I live my life,” then isn’t he coming scarily close to saying that New Yorkers sacrificed blood because of South Carolinians oil addiction? And what does it say about South Carolinians that nine years after New Yorkers’ terrible sacrifice, South Carolinians are still guzzling oil?

If you asked Mykleby these questions, he’d probably say, give me a break (or something more colorful). New Yorkers didn’t pony up, it’s just really easy in New York City to get around without a car.

And that’s the point that a lot of very sincere, patriotic folks like Mykleby — and many touchy-feely environmentalists — aren’t willing to face. If most folks live in communities where it’s hard to get around without a car, telling them it’s their fault and they need to pony up is pretty much guaranteed to get us nowhere. That’s the reason nine years after 9/11 we are still hopelessly dependent on oil.

What we do as individuals does count. But it’s as citizens deciding to fight together for a common future — e.g., creating 20-minute neighborhoods — not as individuals deciding whether or not to bike to work, that will determine whether we continue to be addicted to oil.

Winning the Next Health Care Fight One Pothole at a Time

When I first took a look at the list of projects in Chicago’s 49th Ward’s Participatory Budgeting experiment, I was a little disappointed. Participatory Budgeting sounds so lofty: We the People choosing directly. And yes, some of the items folks get to vote for are pretty cool, like art projects or community gardens. But most of the voting choices are for mundane items like potholes and speed humps.

But then I thought about the nasty pothole I try to avoid while getting on the freeway ramp to work (unfortunately, public transit to my latest job is dismal). Almost every freakin’ day it gets on my nerves. So do the drivers who, in an effort to spare their axles, make incredibly stupid, last-minute maneuvers. If I had the chance to rid myself of that jarring irritation at the start of every day, I’d vote that sucker off the asphalt island in a second.

And knowing that I and my neighbors had the power to make that call? I’m ashamed to admit, it would mean more to me than getting to vote for my city council rep. Except when my Councilperson does something really awful, I don’t pay that much attention. I know, bad, bad me. But I’ve only got so many minutes and brain cells to spend every day, and DC’s city government feels like the weather — there’s not much you can do about it but complain. It feels too far away, too removed from my daily life. And the amount of work it would take to have a real impact feels overwhelming.

But voting on that pothole? It feels real — a victory in the daily battle against life’s small irritations.

Similarly, I’m sure my city council rep has voted to create a community garden or two in our district. But if I were the one doing the voting — and therefore meeting my neighbors who were pitching it — I’d feel a real sense of ownership. If my neighbors’ and my votes gave the green light to that community garden, I’d check it out once in a while to see the results of our small exercise of power. Even if I never put seeds into the earth, I could look at it and say, I did that.

In turn, that small exercise the power might change the way I think about DC’s government. The $1.3 million budget I’d vote for is a drop in the city’s bucket. But if I had a real say over it, I might start paying more attention to where the rest of my city tax dollars were going. And now that my neighbors and I had taken smaller actions together, taking action together on a slightly bigger stage might not feel so overwhelming.

What does this have to do with healthcare reform? Polls have consistently shown that one of the biggest long-term obstacles to reform is that most folks don’t trust the federal government. They may vote for their senator and for Obama or McCain, but they don’t believe they’ll have a real say or that their needs will get met. We can probably get out of this mess by delivering more victories like the half-asked-but-way-better-than-status-quo healthcare bill. But taking small steps that hand back direct power, even if it’s just over potholes, could also make a real difference.

For example, one of the most important players in the fight for high quality health care for all that doesn’t bankrupt us is Medicare. Medicare solicits lots of “community input” through public hearings, etc. Right now, Big Pharma and other big players still win hands down because the rest of us are checked out. But if more folks had a real say over their community’s potholes, progresses might convince them it’s worth fighting to give everybody a real say over their community’s medical procedures. Even in small doses, hope can do amazing things to the body politic.

Maybe potholes and speed comps aren’t so mundane after all.

Beyond the Underpants Gnomes: CityFight 2020: Seoul Kicks San Francisco's Ass!

[Part 6 of the Beyond the Underpants Gnomes series, a response to Bill McKibben]

Taking on corporations around the globe may sound insanely ambitious, but boring it’s not. But using local/state government? It’s more Kumbaya than Mortal Kombat. Sure, there’s evil here — just ask the environmental justice groups who fight against toxic dumps and pollution-induced childhood asthma in inner-city neighborhoods. But if mayors like Bloomberg are on your side, we’re not talking social justice-style bloodsport. And that makes it a lot harder to get massive numbers of folks fired up enough to mobilize big-time. So how do we add some sizzle?

Here’s one way to do it: turn it into a sport. Cities around the globe could compete against each other to see who could make the biggest drops in CO2 emissions — like the Solar Decathlon only with a lot more smack talk.

And like real sports, we could tweak the rules to make it a more exciting contest — one where Dallas or Seoul might stand a chance of wiping the smug off San Francisco’s face.

The key to making this work is to make it as fun and as head-bangingly competitive as possible to really get folks bloodlust up. To take very geeky discussions about, say, the right kinds of solar panels or filtration systems and tie them back to a bigger picture of who’s the bigger badass. To take the stats and serve them up with style. In other words, to actually treat it like a sport and try to use the same kind of tricks that help rev up cadres of obsessed sports fans. Call it ESPNization.

The best way to pull this off? Bring the “obsessive entertainment behavioral economics” experts — sportscasters and sportswriters from around the globe — into the mix from the beginning. You’d end up with a much better result than if enviros just did it on their own (not to mention better media coverage).

There are plenty of ways to play off the idea. Cities could pull in their actual sports teams to help rally folks. And for cities that already have sports rivalries, it’s another great way to go at each other.

Mind you, it’d take some effort to work out the details of the contest. For example, does it make sense to have different leagues so cities in undeveloped countries that don’t have the kind of resources a San Francisco has could still have a chance of winning? Or maybe teams of cities could go head-to-head — take the usually bland “sister city” concept and juice it up, giving cities with more money and incentives to really help out cities with less?

We might also want rules to promote sharing ideas across cities. Maybe you’d win points for new innovations — even more points if other cities used your innovations.

And we’d certainly want to think about how we incorporate social justice/equity. Maybe you’d win points for a Green for All-style approach – or lose them if all the benefits skipped inner cities and slums.

Yes, working out the rules – and dealing with attempts to game the rules or cheat – would take a lot of work. But we’ve got that problem right now. The difference is that today nobody except for a handful of Enviro nerds pay attention to the details that tell you cities are really reducing their CO2 emissions. With the games, we’d have obsessed fans around the globe watching the details like a hawk. In fact, if we do it right, fights over scoring, over refs, over all of the nitty gritty details would actually strengthen the drive to stop global warming.

How would we know it’s working? My “metric” would be when Lou Dobbs started ranting that Koreatowns across the US were acting as a fifth column for Seoul.

I don’t know enough about global politics to know if this idea would work, or if it would create more problems than it’s worth it. And no, I’m not crazy enough to think that creating bike paths will have more drama than a mid-court three point basket. My point in spinning this out is just to show that with a little creativity, there are plenty of ways to play on the Local Board that would get folks fired up.

Up Next: Ready, Fire, Aim!

Pulling a Brady

I’ve been looking for a phrase to capture a particularly bizarre piece of behavior — when people who want to cut the government complain about the government not doing enough. I think I’m going to call it Pulling a Brady, in honor of representative Kevin Brady of Texas. From the Wall Street Journal a few weeks ago:

Protesters who attended Saturday’s Tea Party rally in Washington found a new reason to be upset: Apparently they are unhappy with the level of service provided by the subway system.

Rep. Kevin Brady asked for an explanation of why the government-run subway system didn’t, in his view, adequately prepare for this past weekend’s rally to protest government spending and government services.

Seriously.

The Texas Republican on Wednesday released a letter he sent to Washington’s Metro system complaining that the taxpayer-funded subway system was unable to properly transport protesters to the rally to protest government spending and expansion.

As Sing City Chronicles points out, this complaint took a pretty high degree of chutzpah given Brady’s voting record:

Back in July HR3288, a Transportation and HUD appropriations bill, came up for a vote. It included $150 million for emergency maintenance funding for the DC Metro.

Brady voted against it.

You know that the History Gods are shining down on you when the weasel du jour has a name like Brady. “Here’s the story of a lovely…”

Why Dropping "Free Market" BS Pays off for Moderates & Conservatives

If you’re a moderate or conservative, what do you get if you stop pretending that the massive government intervention into healthcare you’re promoting is a “free market” solution? You can build a pro-private sector health insurance system that actually works. Here’s how they do it in the Netherlands:

Health care in the Netherlands is financed by a dual system. Long-term treatments, especially those which involve (semi-)permanent hospitalization, and also disability costs such as wheelchairs, are covered by a a state-run mandatory insurance. This is laid down in the Algemene Wet Bijzondere Ziektekosten (AWBZ, see article in the Dutch Wikipedia), “general law on exceptional healthcare costs” which first came into effect in 1968.

For all regular (short-term) medical treatment, there is a system of obligatory health insurance, with private health insurance companies. These insurance companies are obliged to provide a package with a defined set of insured treatments. For those who would otherwise have insufficient income, an extra government allowance is paid to make sure everyone can pay for their health care insurance….

Funding for all short term health care is 50% from employers, and 45 percent from the insured person and 5% by the government. Children until age 18 are covered for free. Those on low incomes receive compensation to help them pay their insurance. Premiums paid by the insured are about 100 € per month with variation of about 5% between the various competing insurers.

The key to the system is that they take away insurance companies’ incentives to avoid insuring sick people.

Risk variances between funds due to the different risks presented by individual policy holders are compensated through risk equalization and a common risk pool which makes it more attractive for insurers to attract risky clients.

Here’s how risk equalization works:

arranging for a third party to organize a regulatory system of risk-adjusted premium subsidies. The financial transfers are then channeled via a so-called Subsidy Fund. In European countries such as The Netherlands, Belgium, Germany and Switzerland the Subsidy Fund is run by a government agency which assesses risks for individual policy holders.

Personally, I’d still prefer a single-payer system — it seems like a much simpler, straightforward way of providing affordable, high-quality healthcare insurance. But if you want a major role for the private sector, this approach seems like a very smart way to go.


UPDATE: Exhibit A why a private sector-oriented plan’s gotta have risk equalization:

documents obtained by the House Committee on Energy and Commerce… show, for instance, that one Blue Cross employee earned a perfect score of “5″ for “exceptional performance” on an evaluation that noted the employee’s role in dropping thousands of policyholders and avoiding nearly $10 million worth of medical care.

WellPoint’s Blue Cross of California subsidiary and two other insurers saved more than $300 million in medical claims by canceling more than 20,000 sick policyholders over a five-year period, the House committee said.

Why Choosing Worklife Balance by Ourselves Hurts Kids

There’s another reason that we have to choose together if we value work life balance: if we don’t, we’ll hurt kids.

Not the kids of computer programmers. The market’s done a truly terrible job so far at creating computer programming jobs with worklife balance. But as our population ages, the number of people who absolutely have to have worklife balance — to take care of their elderly parents and their kids — will grow so large that people with more market power will get real worklife balance. When researchers talk about how companies will be forced to use worklife balance to assist in hiring and retention, these are the folks the researchers are thinking about. Their kids will be okay (eventually).

But janitors’ kids? Even if the market eventually provides work life balance for janitors — and that includes creating janitor jobs that pay enough so janitors don’t have to work two or more jobs & insanely long hours to just put food on the table — it’s going to be a very, very, very, very long time coming.

So if we just choose by ourselves, here’s how it’ll play out. If you’re clever enough to be born into a family where your parents are professionals, your parents will have the time and flexibility to go to your soccer games, to help you with homework, to really spend time with you. And if you’re born into a family where your parents have low-wage jobs, they won’t.

In other words, choosing by ourselves means we’re stacking the deck even further against kids on the bottom.

This is why the first step in the model — figuring out what are our values — is so crucial. If you focus on the value of worklife balance without also focusing on the value of equal opportunity, you’re gonna leave janitors’ kids behind. It’s scary how many good people who write about worklife balance miss this.

(It could also be that they are so elitist that they don’t give a crap about low-wage workers and their kids. But they seem like good folks, so I’ll give them the benefit of the doubt)

Bottom line: if we value work life balance and we also value giving everyone a fair shot, we’ve got to Choose Together.

Choosing Together: Worklife Balance

Suppose you want to be able to work hard at a job you like but also have time for your family or for a life outside work. Womenomics, new book just excerpted by BusinessWeek, says no problem, the market’s going to take care of it. Why? Because most of us really want it:

• 63% of us believe we don’t have enough time for our spouses or partners
• 74% of us say we don’t have enough time for our children
• 35% of adults are putting significant time toward caring for an elder relative.

Bottom line?
• Half of us want fewer hours
• Half of us would change our schedules
• More than half would trade money for a day off
• Three-quarters of us want flexible work options

And because more women are choosing jobs with worklife balance, and more companies are choosing to create those kinds of jobs:

But the most important component driving the change is that women are finally understood to be good for business…. And what’s remarkable about the process is that the change is coming as individual women everywhere negotiate to work the way it works best for them. And it’s coming in major waves, as companies start to open up their minds and company policies.

Oh, to live in the fantasy world of business gurus. Can I move there? And can I bring my friends — the ones who, forget about worklife balance, would be grateful just to work less than 50 hours a week? The world we seem to be stuck in is more like one Fortune Magazine described a few years ago, before the recession:

[Today,] declaring your interest in a human-sized job is like announcing a disease….

Either you’re a maniacal workaholic who runs the world–or you’re a Dilbert, punching a clock with little power and authority. Too many businesspeople think that’s just the way of the world. “You can’t have it all,” they say. But let’s be very clear on what “all” is. People want to work at the level they’re capable of and still have time for things outside work that nourish them…. To say this is “wanting it all” is like saying people should have to choose between food and water.

Even at the top of the corporate food chain, Fortune found a desire for work life balance but little room for it. Fortune’s 2005 survey of senior FORTUNE500 male executives found that

84% say they’d like job options that let them realize their professional aspirations while having more time for things outside work; 55% say they’re willing to sacrifice income… In addition, 73% believe it’s possible to restructure senior management jobs in ways that would both increase productivity and make more time available for life outside the office.

Of course there’s a roadblock to reform: fear. FORTUNE’s survey found that even though most senior-level men want better options, nearly half believe that for an executive to take up the matter with his boss will hurt his career.

And that’s the folks who have the best options in the market for individual choices. For the rest of us? Even Womenomics admits that “Almost half of working parents believe their jobs might be in jeopardy if they work flexibly.”

Step 1 of the model asks two questions: “What Are Our Values?” And if we choose to realize these values, “Are These Choices We’ve Got to Choose Together?” If most of us value worklife balance, the answer to the second question is pretty clear — we’re going to have to choose together.

Principle #3: For Some Choices We've Gotta Choose Together

 young women enjoying the hell out of mass transitIf you want to buy a car, you can choose it yourself. Sure, you can get advice from your uncle, who’s like your own personal Car Talk (only without an off button). Or you can watch TV ads that teach you how buying the right ride will bring fun into your life and crank up your sexiness. But ultimately, it’s your own choice.

But you can’t choose a great mass transit system by yourself. If you want to choose taking Metro to your job instead of driving, you can’t go to Mass Transit-R-Us and say, “I’d like to buy a slice of Metro for one person, please.” Either the folks in your town choose together to pay for Metro, or you don’t get to choose it.

(You could, of course, choose by yourself to move to a city that had a great mass transit system, but even that individual choice is possible only because the people in that city chose together to build and maintain that mass transit system).

That’s Principle #3: For Some Choices We’ve Gotta Choose Together.

It’s amazing how often people ignore this simple reality.

Take housing and Smart Growth. Conservatives often complain Smart Growth is a government plot to take away the choices people really want. Look at all those people choosing to move to the ‘burbs, they say. The market has spoken: most folks want a big suburban house with a big lot, not some liberal, low-fat soy chai-inspired fantasy.

But many people “choose” to move to the suburbs even though they love city life. If they could really choose what they wanted, they’d choose an affordable house or condo in a nice, safe city neighborhood. They don’t make that choice because in most communities that choice doesn’t exist.

Why doesn’t their real choice exist? There are several reasons. But by far the biggest factor is that in the 30s, 40s, and 50s, between creating the FHA, shoring up the S&Ls, and building a massive highway system that made it possible to commute from suburban homes to downtown office jobs, the federal government dramatically reshaped the housing niche of the economic ecosystem. If you were white, it was now often cheaper to own your own home in the suburbs than rent an apartment in the city.

In other words, their real choice doesn’t exist today because 70 years ago, voters chose together to reshape the economy to create a new set of choices. There is no reason we can’t choose to create a different set of choices today — but we can only do it if we choose together.

A great economy should give everyone lots of choices. The freedom to make choices by yourself, according to your unique set of values and desires, is something we should treasure. But we can only make some choices — sometimes the most important, most long-lasting choices we will make — when we choose together.