Google Says: More Clean Energy Now or Fewer Jobs & Profits Later

Does pushing for cleaner energy kill jobs & growth? No, says Google (via Grist’s Stephen Lacey). In fact, waiting will cost us dearly:

Google, a leader of innovation in the digital economy, says that without a private and public focus on innovation in renewables, storage, and electric vehicles, the cost of delaying the clean energy economy could be in the trillions of dollars to the U.S. economy.

Using McKinsey’s macroeconomic tool for modeling energy costs, they found that

by 2030, innovation in the modeled technologies alone could have a transformative impact on the US, adding over $155 billion per year in GDP and 1.1 million net jobs, while reducing household energy costs by $942 per year, oil consumption by 1.1 billion barrels per year, and GHG emissions by 13% relative to BAU. By 2050, annual gains in GDP increase to $600 billion, net additional jobs to 3.9 million, and emissions reductions to 55%.

And if we don’t? Lacey summarizes Google’s findings:

delaying this “innovation arms race” by as little as five years with inconsistent policy that slows private investment (a delay not unlikely in the U.S.) could result in $2.3-$3.2 trillion in unrealized GDP gains — costing the U.S. over a million new jobs and preventing the reduction of up to 28 gigatons of CO2.

One more example of how Stacking the Odds in Favor of the Good Guys pays off.

Rebuild the Dream: Best Shot at Alternative to Tea Party?

On Thursday, activist Van Jones kicked off a new movement called Rebuild the Dream. The speech he gave his one of the best he’s given in quite a while. It’s definitely worth checking out.

I may be wildly optimistic, but I think Rebuilding the Dream – which has backing from Moveon.org, SEIU, the AFL-CIO, US Action, plus a whole lotta other folks — is the best shot our side has for building an alternative to the Tea Party. So if you’re tired of us getting our butts kicked, after you’ve seen the video sign up on their website for one of the house meetings they’re planning on having in every state on Saturday, July 21.

Ensuring Everyone Has a Real Say Is Tricky: Bits & Pieces for the Bucket

When I finished Version 0.17 of my model, I realized that I needed a bucket for holding the complexities behind “everyone should have a real say.” Turns out to be a bit more complicated than I thought. So, here’s a dump of the pieces that I think should end up in this bucket.


 

Consumer choice versus having a real say
Choosing from the menu versus helping write the menu
(e.g., choosing your shoe style versus choosing being able to walk to work)

Where do folks choose: as individuals, mobilizing with others, voting (electing politicians versus, for example, participatory budgeting)

Movement Perspective
Mobilizing people versus “ponying up
Nudging Versus Building Power
Your individual action’s affect on other individual actions – increase/decrease percent of folks who act

What does democracy look like: endless meetings versus getting stuff done
democracy (accountability) versus speed – e.g., parklets


For now, I’m going to leave these pieces on the back burner on a slow simmer while I wrestle with other parts of v 0.17.

Creating a Values-based Economy, v 0.17

After wrestling with That Nagging Feeling, another stab at a model.


 

Myth: We Don’t Have the Power to Shape the Economy
Most of us believe we have the power to make major decisions that shape our individual lives. But we feel powerless when it comes to the economy. Each of us can play the hand we’re dealt, we believe, but we don’t have any power over the cards we’re given. The economy is just the way it is. And if we — or “government bureaucrats” — try to shape the economy, we’ll just screw it up.

Reality: we have more power to shape the economy than we think, but to use it effectively we need to understand its limits.
 

We Have More Power To Shape the Economy Than We Think…
From Finance to housing, from energy to computers, from agriculture to health care, the economy isn’t “just the way it is.” What often seems like a natural or inevitable result of the market is in fact the result of decisions made by our society.

So why does our society pretend otherwise? Because if we openly admit that these decisions are being made, people are going to start asking who gets to make them. Why should powerful corporations and the rich call most of the shots? Why should their values and needs win out over everyone else’s? Why shouldn’t everyone get a real say in how we use our power to shape our destinies?
 
… But to Use It Effectively, We Need to Understand Its Limits
Although we do have more power than we think to shape the economy and our destinies, there’s some truth to our feeling of powerlessness. There are real limits to how much we can shape the economy, and there are an lot of off-ramps to that road paved with good intentions.

If we want to use our power effectively, there are 2 principles we should follow:

A) Stack the Odds in Favor of the Good Guys
Worried we’re going to treat the economy like a magical candy store, where we keep taking goodies without ever worrying about where they come from? Then Stack the Odds in Favor of the Good Guys. Because to do it, we’ve got to have a vivid, rich understanding of the world the Good Guys live in (a.k.a. the Practitioner’s Perspective). If you’re worried about how the Good Guys make payroll — or in more tree hugging terms, how to make it sustainable — then you’d use techniques like:

  • Level the playing field — so doing right by your employees isn’t a competitive disadvantage
  • Create new markets
  • Make It Easy
  • Make It Visible
  • Use Checks and Balances
    • You Haven’t Succeeded until It’s Politically Sustainable
    • Players over Policy: balanced forces working out compromises much more dynamic, flexible than detailed regulations
    • With Checks and Balances, liberals/lefties can’t simply say “all corporations are evil,” must have positive vision that could actually work
    • Getting Real: confronting conflicting interests (why carbon tax fails: folks don’t believe they’ll have a real say and therefore will get screwed)

 

B) We Aren’t As Smart As We Think We Are
Intervening in the economy can be tricky. And this is true whether you use more direct means or say “let’s change prices and the market will work it all out” (e.g., a carbon tax to solve the climate crisis). Either way, it’s too damned complicated to be sure we’re going to get it right.

So admit it straight up — and draw on the bag of tricks businesses use every day to deal with situations where the complexities of reality outstrips our brainpower:

  • Hold people accountable: if they say increasing savings will create more jobs, is that what really happens, or do 401(k) fund managers use our savings to push companies to cut good paying jobs?
  • Pilot projects & iterations
  • Feedback loops
  • Creating space for creativity, flexibility (e.g., adapting to local conditions), etc.

 


I used a lot of shorthand in this model, but that’s OK. My goal is to sketch out the overall idea. And although it needs a lot of work, it feels like a promising direction to explore. Some areas where it needs fleshing out:

  • The sub-points of Were Not As Smart As We Think We Are and Stack the Odds aren’t cohesive – right now they’re just pieces in a bucket
  • For We’re Not As Smart As We Think We Are’s sub-points — especially for iterations, pilot projects, & feedback loops – there’s no emotional connection yet
  • Needs a bucket for the complexities behind “everyone should get a real say.”

Wisconsin Republicans: Government is Bad Unless Big Beer Wants It

Exhibit 4792 of how little politicians who say “get the government out of the market” really believe it: in Wisconsin, the Republican-controlled leg is trying to ram through legislation that would make Coors/Miller Beer and big distributors happy but burn microbreweries:

The Legislature’s Republican-controlled Joint Finance Committee recently approved an amendment to the state budget that could change the way beer is sold in this state.

The proposal supported by MillerCoors and the Wisconsin Beer Distributors Association combines the brewer’s permit and wholesale and retail licenses given out by municipalities into one permit under state control. It would ban brewers from purchasing distributors — something craft brewers say they might need later to avoid getting squeezed out of the market by large corporate brewers….

Jeff Hamilton, president of the Wisconsin Brewers Guild and Sprecher Brewing Co. in Milwaukee, said the big guys are trying to limit growth of craft brewers.

“When I started this brewery in 1993, it was not state law that you had to use a wholesaler,” said Deb Carey, the owner of the New Glarus Brewing Company. “But I did choose to use wholesalers, and I do use them now because it makes good business sense to me.”

The budget amendment would allow microbreweries like the New Glarus Brewing Company to sell its own beer to retailers.

But it eliminates microbreweries’ ability to get a wholesalers license, meaning that they couldn’t grow their business by distributing beer for other breweries.

“It’s very threatening to small brewers,” said Carey. “Small brewers are less than 5 percent of the beer sold. However, we’re growing at a really fast pace, double digit growth for a multitude of years. And some of the major domestics like Miller have been slowly dwindling, so they saw an opportunity here for themselves and they’re taking it.”

UK Conservatives: American-Style Health Care? Fuggedaboutit!

You’ve probably already seen this one, but just in case: from the LA Times via Krugman:

Ask a Briton to describe “American-style” healthcare, and you’ll hear a catalog of horrors that include grossly expensive and unnecessary medical procedures and a privatized system that favors the rich. For a people accustomed to free healthcare for all, regardless of income, the fact that millions of their cousins across the Atlantic have no insurance and can’t afford decent treatment is a farce as well as a tragedy.

But critics here warn that a similarly bleak future may await Britain if a government plan to put more power in the hands of doctors and introduce more competition into the NHS succeeds — privatization by stealth, they say.

So frightening is the Yankee example that any British politician who values his job has to explicitly disavow it as a possible outcome. Twice.

“We will not be selling off the NHS, we will not be moving towards an insurance scheme, we will not introduce an American-style private system,” Prime Minister David Cameron emphatically told a group of healthcare workers in a nationally televised address last week.

In case they didn’t hear it the first time, Cameron repeated the dreaded “A”-word in a list of five guarantees he offered the British people at the end of his speech.

More juicy quotes from the article:

[Conservative PM Cameron:] “If you’re worried that we’re going to sell off the NHS or create some American-style private system, we will not do that,” he said. “In this country we have the most wonderful, precious institution and also precious idea that whenever you’re ill … you can walk into a hospital or a surgery and get treated for free, no questions asked, no cash asked. It is the idea at the heart of the NHS, and it will stay. I will never put that at risk.”…

Governments of all stripes have taken office pledging to reform the system, to streamline it and make it more efficient, but none has fully succeeded, knowing that they tinker with the NHS at their peril. The current Conservative Party-led coalition, which has embarked on the most radical public spending cuts in a generation, has promised not to take a penny from the health service.

To each other, Britons love to complain about the NHS, retailing gruesome tales of substandard care, of long waiting lists for simple operations like hip replacements, of snotty surgeons and naughty nurses. But when Americans began citing the NHS as the epitome of socialized medicine gone wrong, people here bristled.

To Leave No Poor Child behind, Follow in Britain's Footsteps

How hard would it be to cut child poverty rates in half? Not as hard as we think, writes Nancy Folbre, if we take a page from the UK:

Britain has used standard policy tools to reduce its child-poverty rate by more than half since 1994 and has effectively defended this progress against the pressures of the Great Recession. By contrast, the child poverty rate has trended upward in the United States since 2000, and children have proved economically vulnerable to increased unemployment….

The ordinary policies in Britain that led to what many Americans would consider extraordinary results were these: an increase in the national minimum wage (currently about $9.70 an hour, compared with our $7.25), tax incentives to encourage single parents to move into paid employment, increased public benefits for parents, provision of universal preschool and regulations making it easier for parents of young children to request flexible work schedules.

Many similar, though less generous policies are already in effect in the United States, at the federal or state level.

And this isn’t unique to the UK.

Most other rich countries rate higher on indicators of child well-being than either Britain or the United States. But we have more in common with Britain than most other countries, and rightfully pay closer attention to it.

Maybe it’s time for a little more of that audacity of hope I remember someone campaigning on.

Speaking to That Nagging Feeling (Part 1)

I think I’ve figured out a way to reframe my theory as a response to That Nagging Feeling. This Reframe isn’t how I’d explain the theory to someone. It feels more like going at it from an angle. But that’s okay. If you know how you’d handle a tough question about an idea, it tells you a lot about the idea itself. So here goes:


I have 2 answers to That Nagging Feeling.

Answer #1: in part, That Nagging Feeling is a smokescreen.

By saying we better not mess with the economy or we’ll screw it up, it hides the fact that we already mess with the economy — and we do it successfully, and we do it a lot (see white middle class homeownership in the 50s, computer chips in the 50s and 60s, the Net in the late 80s and 90s, etc.). A lot of what we think of as inherently part of the market was a result of decisions that were made, often by powerful players who fought for and won these decisions. In short, That Nagging Feeling obscures what decisions were made and who made them.

Let me put it another way. The mainstream media often says that the market knows best, or that the market is best so long as we have a little government to patch the bad spots. But imagine if some politicians decided to act on that idea. Suppose they said, let’s stop worrying about whether Americans have jobs, whether Americans become homeowners, the price at the gas pump. Let’s just leave it up to the market and however it works out, that’s okay. How long do you think they’d stay in office?

The other reality That Nagging Feeling papers over is that in far too many cases, there’s no way getting around intervening in the economy. For example, should corporations focus on short-term profits or long-term profits? You can set up laws, institutions, and a balance of power as we have in the US, so CEOs get smacked around if they don’t focus on quarterly profits. Or you can set them up so CEOs are encouraged to think long-term, as they are in Japan and Germany. Either way it’s a choice.

Ask free-market cheerleaders, and they may give you good reasons for why some of these decisions were the best answer (even if they don’t agree with all of them). But these rationales still that don’t change what’s going on: people with power are making decisions about the rules that shape the economy, and when they do, they are changing the odds who’s more likely to win or lose. There’s nothing natural or inevitable about it.

So if these decisions are going to get made, we need to start asking, who should get to make these decisions? Who should have a say in deciding what needs are served and whose values the economy will encourage/reinforce?

Up Next: Addressing the part of That Nagging Feeling that’s based on something real.

O Canada, the Healthcare Addition

Aaron Carroll has a nice, graph-happy post that debunks all of the myths about how rotten Canadian healthcare is. The most interesting debunking: American physicians aren’t all that happy with the US healthcare system.

Given the rhetoric of how much physicians hate reform, you would think doctors were very happy before reform passed. You’d be wrong. With the exception of Austria and Germany, fewer doctors were satisfied with practicing medicine [in the US] than any other surveyed country.

His most entertaining takedown:

When people want to demonize single payer systems, they always wind up going after rationing, and more often than you’d think with hip replacements…

It’s not true. They don’t deny hip replacements to the elderly. But there’s more.

Do you know who gets most of the hip replacements in the United States? The elderly.

Do you know who pays for care for the elderly in the United States? Medicare.

Do you know what Medicare is? A single-payer system.

Definitely worth checking out.