Beyond the Underpants Gnomes: Ready, Fire, Aim!

[Part 7 of the Beyond the Underpants Gnomes series, a response to Bill McKibben]

Once you figured out where you are going to play, you need to figure out how you are going to play — your strategy for winning.

I asked a few of my organizer buddies the top tips more progressives should know about organizing strategy. They gave me a lot of great ideas. But when I started writing them up, I realized that the biggest problem folks like McKibben face boils down to one simple point — do what’s effective, not what’s easy or comfortable.

Take the post that got me to write this series. McKibben criticized Gore’s strategy:

Simply adding a few thousand more tons of scientific reports to the environmental side of the scale won’t tip the debate, not when Exxon can afford to buy the necessary coterie of Congress members.

McKibben is arguing that as a play on the board, publishing more scientific reports isn’t the right move to push Congress. But McKibben’s answer wasn’t much better.

The United States now holds a big key to unlock this process, and we need Obama and the U.S. Congress to turn that key–which is why many of the candlelight vigils will take place at U.S. senate offices, and at U.S. embassies and consulates around the world.

Does he really think Enviro candlelight vigils are going to move the Senate?

The problem isn’t the tactic, it’s the play. If tea baggers and Glenn Beck held candlelight vigils at Republican Senate offices, that would have some teeth. Why? Republican senators know that these folks — and even more importantly the folks who are part of their network — have the power to fire up the Republican base against them and cost them votes, or even field a challenger who has a real chance of winning. Ditto if union members held candlelight vigils against Senate Democrats in states where the senators know unions have the power to influence Democratic primaries. But Enviros? Give me a break.

That’s why organizers start by mapping out who are the players they need to move, and what realistically will it take to move them. It’s often called a Power Analysis:

Imagine a football game–the coach aids the team to determine the opposing team’s power as defined by its strengths and weaknesses. What kind of power and which players will it take to move the ball across the field to the goal line and victory? The coach is conducting a power analysis that will inform his design of a winning strategy. The power analysis is a process to determine what kind of power (quality) and how much power (quantity) is needed to move a target, the individual who can give you what you want, to accept the organization’s policy or proposal for resolving an issue. The process includes a systematic series of questions, investigative steps, information collection and refined knowledge of the players with power to deliver you closer to your goal. All with the purpose of moving the people with power to give you what you want or win your proposal.

Doing a power analysis is a lot of hard work. For example, here’s a standard list of questions you’d need to answer for each target to develop a target’s profile (courtesy of the Praxis Project and SCOPE LA): Continue reading

Tuesday's Missing Lesson: Back to the States!

After Tuesday’s Massachusetts debacle, everyone’s been talking about what we do next in DC. But nobody’s talking about the other glaringly obvious next play — switch more of our action to the state/local board. Progressive States Network explains:

the filibuster allows as few as 3% of the total U.S. population to potentially elect representatives able to block the will of the other 97% of the population. In practice, filibusters are put together with a hodgepodge of states representing larger minorities of the population, but when corporate special interests start with such a low threshold of votes needed to preserve the status quo, it’s hardly surprising that federal inaction, diluted compromises and voter frustration is the norm.

This is why bold, progressive leadership in the states matters.

States Move National Policy: Generally able to take action with a majority vote in their statehouses, states have always been where progressive policy moves forward. And when multiple states act, it creates a wave of reform that can ultimately drive federal action despite the filibuster and minority resistance.

•The federal minimum wage was raised in 2007 only after states representing a majority of the population passed their own minimum wage increases.

•Health care reform is only being considered in D.C. because states across the country have expanded coverage in recent years and enacted insurance reforms like bans on preexisting conditions and medical loss rations — provisions ultimately incorporated into federal bills.

•Serious federal movement on climate change only followed multiple states in the Northeast and West enacting their own cap-and-trade bills to reduce greenhouse gases.
Making the Progressive Case in the States: Without the filibuster diluting every bill, states are also where voters can see progressive values embodied.

The right-wing has long understood the power of messaging through state policy. Whether on gay marriage, abortion, immigration, or anti-tax policy, the right-wing doesn’t even bother having a federal agenda other than saying “no” to all reforms, but they deliver their message to their voters through state initiatives attacking abortion rights, banning gay marriage, scapegoating immigrants, and trying to slash state taxes.

Progressives need to be equally bold in using state policy to make clear our values to voters. By promoting and enacting progressive policy in the states, we can overcome the frustration people feel with D.C. due to compromises forced by the filibuster.

For more ideas on playing on the state/local board, including a 2010 kick-ass multistate economic strategy, check out Progressive States Network.

Beyond the Underpants Gnomes: CityFight 2020: Seoul Kicks San Francisco's Ass!

[Part 6 of the Beyond the Underpants Gnomes series, a response to Bill McKibben]

Taking on corporations around the globe may sound insanely ambitious, but boring it’s not. But using local/state government? It’s more Kumbaya than Mortal Kombat. Sure, there’s evil here — just ask the environmental justice groups who fight against toxic dumps and pollution-induced childhood asthma in inner-city neighborhoods. But if mayors like Bloomberg are on your side, we’re not talking social justice-style bloodsport. And that makes it a lot harder to get massive numbers of folks fired up enough to mobilize big-time. So how do we add some sizzle?

Here’s one way to do it: turn it into a sport. Cities around the globe could compete against each other to see who could make the biggest drops in CO2 emissions — like the Solar Decathlon only with a lot more smack talk.

And like real sports, we could tweak the rules to make it a more exciting contest — one where Dallas or Seoul might stand a chance of wiping the smug off San Francisco’s face.

The key to making this work is to make it as fun and as head-bangingly competitive as possible to really get folks bloodlust up. To take very geeky discussions about, say, the right kinds of solar panels or filtration systems and tie them back to a bigger picture of who’s the bigger badass. To take the stats and serve them up with style. In other words, to actually treat it like a sport and try to use the same kind of tricks that help rev up cadres of obsessed sports fans. Call it ESPNization.

The best way to pull this off? Bring the “obsessive entertainment behavioral economics” experts — sportscasters and sportswriters from around the globe — into the mix from the beginning. You’d end up with a much better result than if enviros just did it on their own (not to mention better media coverage).

There are plenty of ways to play off the idea. Cities could pull in their actual sports teams to help rally folks. And for cities that already have sports rivalries, it’s another great way to go at each other.

Mind you, it’d take some effort to work out the details of the contest. For example, does it make sense to have different leagues so cities in undeveloped countries that don’t have the kind of resources a San Francisco has could still have a chance of winning? Or maybe teams of cities could go head-to-head — take the usually bland “sister city” concept and juice it up, giving cities with more money and incentives to really help out cities with less?

We might also want rules to promote sharing ideas across cities. Maybe you’d win points for new innovations — even more points if other cities used your innovations.

And we’d certainly want to think about how we incorporate social justice/equity. Maybe you’d win points for a Green for All-style approach – or lose them if all the benefits skipped inner cities and slums.

Yes, working out the rules – and dealing with attempts to game the rules or cheat – would take a lot of work. But we’ve got that problem right now. The difference is that today nobody except for a handful of Enviro nerds pay attention to the details that tell you cities are really reducing their CO2 emissions. With the games, we’d have obsessed fans around the globe watching the details like a hawk. In fact, if we do it right, fights over scoring, over refs, over all of the nitty gritty details would actually strengthen the drive to stop global warming.

How would we know it’s working? My “metric” would be when Lou Dobbs started ranting that Koreatowns across the US were acting as a fifth column for Seoul.

I don’t know enough about global politics to know if this idea would work, or if it would create more problems than it’s worth it. And no, I’m not crazy enough to think that creating bike paths will have more drama than a mid-court three point basket. My point in spinning this out is just to show that with a little creativity, there are plenty of ways to play on the Local Board that would get folks fired up.

Up Next: Ready, Fire, Aim!

How Seoul Plans to Cut Its CO2 by 40%

While researching the Beyond the Underpants Gnomes post on the state/local board, I ran across a fascinating document — Seoul, Korea’s announcement of their master plan for tackling global warming. Seoul has committed itselt to the ambitious goal of creducing CO2 emissions 40% by 2030 — and creating 1 million new green jobs doing it. Here’s some examples of how they plan to pull it off.

For starters, Seoul intends to “spearhead” a “green policy paradigm shift” in green city design,

which re-designs not only buildings, transportations and urban area but also the functions of the city reflecting low-carbon, low-energy and resource recovery aspects, and realization on Human Oriented
City which enables people to live on green jobs with higher salaries.

A few details:

We will establish urban planning and development standards considering climate impacts, minimize impenetrable level, add 11km2 of more green space in the city, pursue gradual roof greening at large buildings in the city, and restore 13 streams into eco streams by 2020 to increase urban climate control ability…

Transform 10,000 buildings larger than 2,000 m2 into green building:
- Make it mandatory for all new buildings to acquire green building certificates
- Transform all public transportation into green vehicles
- Expand public transportation ridership rate to 70%
- Create 207km long bike-only lanes at main roads to increase bike ridership rate up to 10%…

We will promote 100% resource management system that recycles and reuses waste resource repeatedly as long as waste can be re-used as a resource by encouraging industries related to repair & reuse of resources, recovering energy resource from waste, promoting urban mining project, and pursuing maximum use of water resources.

They also plan on harnessing the well-known power of Seoul social movements by creating a “Low-carbon citizen movement for ‘Rational Inconvenience’”:

- Energy saving is regarded as the 5th energy and citizens’ voluntary participation is crucial in cities such as Seoul where consumption account for a major part. Thus citizen movements to endure “rational inconvenience” should be expanded by aggressively promoting activities such as Eco-Mileage, Eco-Drive and Eco-Tour.

- To create low-carbon civil society, Seoul will promote various policies, establish educational facilities such as Climate Energy Experience Site and reinforce energy saving educations from primary and elementary school, to transform current Citizens and Netizens (Internet + Citizen) into future Ecotizens.

Seoul doesn’t just plan on doing its part in saving the planet. They also plan on using it to build a strategic economic advantage: Continue reading

Beyond The Underpants Gnomes: Current Moves on the Local Board

[Part 5 of the Beyond the Underpants Gnomes series, a response to Bill McKibben]

Playing on the local board sounds interesting. But can we win big enough here to make our efforts worthwhile?

To get a sense of what’s possible on this board, let’s take a quick tour of what US cities and states are doing right now without having a mass movement behind them.

You may have heard of PlanNYC, New York City’s very ambitious plans to reduce CO2 emissions 30% by 2030. Or California’s plans to reduce CO2 emissions to below 80% of 1990 levels by 2050. But there are plenty of other states and cities that are gearing up. Just to cite a few states, Florida and Minnesota is going for 80% below 1990 levels by 2050, and Illinois wants to hit 60% below 1990 levels by 2050. Even some states you wouldn’t expect are setting some targets — Arizona’s shooting for 50% below 2000 by 2040, and New Mexico is going for 75% below 2000 by 2050.

How do they plan to hit these targets? Here are a few examples courtesy of ICLEI-Local Governments for Sustainability‘s report.

Buildings: In 2007 Boston passed a law requiring any private project over 50,000 square feet to earn a basic LEED certification. It estimates that 48 new building projects, covering over 22 million square feet are expected to save 15,000 metric tons of CO2 and $4 million of energy savings a year. And there are plenty of cities that are revamping public buildings. For example, in 2008 DC began upgrading its 120 public school facilities to at least LEED Silver standards; estimates say that by the project’s completion in 2015, each year it’ll save 26,000 metric tons of CO2 and $5.7 million in energy costs.

Public Transit: Seattle’s proposed expansion of public transit, from new streetcars which carry 450,000 riders to adding 36 miles to the transit system, are estimated to save 100,000-180,000 metric tons of CO2 a year; transit-oriented development will save even more. Just encouraging people to bike or walk can make a real difference — Chicago’s plans to add a 500 mile bike way network and 5000 new bike racks, would save 10,000 metric tons of CO2 a year by 2020.

Renewable Energy from Landfill: Columbia, Missouri set a renewable energy standard back in 2004, and to meet their goal the Columbia Biogas Energy Plant came online in June 2008. By converting landfill gas into energy, it can generate 2.1 megawatts of renewable power, enough to power 1,500 city homes. Now with new “bioreactor” technology, it’s estimated that in 2009 the landfill alone will generate “1.5 percent of the city’s energy from biogas, saving $1,194,248 and offsetting 15,929 tons of CO2.”

Promoting Solar Power Investments: for most homeowners, solar power doesn’t pay off. It can cost around $48,000 to install it, and if the homeowner moves, they have to keep paying the loan. So, states such as Colorado, Arizona, Texas, Virginia, and Washington have or are passing plans that let municipalities loan homeowners the upfront cost and then repay the loan through utility bills or property taxes.

Recycling: San Francisco’s comprehensive recycling program, which recycles food scraps as well as the regular stuff, and encourages recycling of construction & demo debris, has diverted 72% of waste from landfill, saving 302,000 tons of CO2 a year — that’s 4% of the city’s overall goals just from recycling.

Solar Powered This & That : Houston, Texas has run a pilot test of “20 floating solar-powered reservoir circulators (SolarBees), which improve public drinking water quality and reduce water treatment costs by replacing energy-intensive treatment methods.” After three years of experience, the pilot is now saving saving 2,190,000 kWh of energy, $769,000 in costs, and 1,436 tons CO2e per year.

In total, according to ICLEI: 200 US jurisdictions have created a baseline of their CO2 emissions, and 155 have set targets that will reduce CO2 emissions by1,360,000,000 metric tons by 2020 – “the equivalent of taking 25,000,000 passenger vehicles off the road for the next ten years” — and 6,800,000,000 metric tons by 2050.

And that’s just the tip of the iceberg. Even if we can’t pass cap and trade in DC, we can still play out some of it at the local level. In 2008, ten Northeastern and middle Atlantic states created the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, designed to “reduce CO2 emissions from the power sector 10% by 2018.” Although not perfect, it’s not a bad start — as the Progressive States Network notes,

revenues from the auctions will be dedicated to promoting energy efficiency in each state…. the RGGI system improves on an existing European “cap and trade” system by auctioning off all allowances, rather than giving incumbents free allowances and a windfall profit. And it much more severely restricts use of “carbon offsets,” such as planting trees or other alternatives, other than restricting pollution emissions by other companies through the trading system.

As I said at the beginning, I’m focused just on US politics, because I’m woefully ignorant of international municipal politics. But just to give you a sense of what’s going on around the globe, here’s a few tidbits. On December 14, Copenhagen’s mayor presented a document at the Copenhagen convention with CO2 emission targets for over 3000 cities. For example, according to C40 Cities, “a group of the world’s largest cities committed to tackling climate change,” London has set a target of 60% below 1990 baseline levels by 2025, Rotterdam is shooting for 50% by 2025, and Paris is shooting for 75% below 2004 baseline levels by 2050. Tokyo is shooting for a reduction of 20% by 2020, and Yokohama is going for 30% below 2004 levels by 2025 & 60% below 2004 levels by 2050. Australia’s capital cities recently committed to cutting their emissions by 41% by 2020. Madrid plans to get to 20% below 2004 baseline by 2020 and 50% below by 2050. Mexico plans to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 12% by 2012. In October, 20 mayors of Indonesian cities signed an agreement to reduce CO2 emissions 60% from 1990 levels worldwide by 2050 through the World Mayors and Local Governments Climate Protection Agreement. And Seoul plans to reduce CO2 emissions by 40 percent by 2030 — and create 1 million Green jobs in doing so (more on their ambitious plans tomorrow).

All of this activity is happening without a massive grassroots movement behind it. In fact, it’s happening while most national Enviro groups are still focusing their efforts on national and international standards.

As you can see, there’s plenty of room to play here — if we decide to stop putting so many of our chits on the DC board.

Up next: an example of a move we might try on the local board

Beyond The Underpants Gnomes: Playing on the State/Local Board

[Part 4 of the Beyond the Underpants Gnomes series, a response to Bill McKibben]

Maybe banging heads with corporations around the globe is more than you’re up for. No problem. There’s still a much better board to play on than DC or Copenhagen — the state/local board. I don’t know a lot about global municipal politics, so for this post I’m going to focus on U.S. state and local governments.

Because national newspapers and most large progressive groups are obsessed with DC, it’s easy to forget how much power local government has. The Progressive State Network estimates that states have control over $2 trillion a year — “almost three times the dollar amount of non-social security domestic programs administered at the federal level.” Through laws and liability rules, states regulate “trillions of dollars of commerce.” And through public pension funds, states have control of over $2.7 trillion of financial assets.

Local government can have a pretty impressive impact on global warming. Depending on the estimates, between two thirds and 70% of greenhouse gas emissions come from cities. And although most state and local governments are in financial trouble right now, there are plenty of things we could do to push for reducing global warming that don’t require states to spend lots of money. As ICLEI notes, for example, they set a lot of the rules of the game that affect emissions in the economy:

Local government planning and decision making is particularly important in the energy, transport, industry, water and land use sectors — where emissions grew the most from 1970 to 2004.

And unlike DC, you don’t need a super-super majority to get things done. That’s why there is a hell of a lot more interesting green work going on at the states than in DC; more on that in the next post.

That doesn’t mean we shouldn’t play at all in DC. But I think our emphasis ought to be in pushing money and opportunities down to the states, such as The Urban Land Institute’s “3 B’s” strategy for Federal transportation dollars I blogged in November. Ditto for federal Green jobs stimulus — instead of focusing everything on changing a handful of senators, focus on moving the money to where we have more room to maneuver.

Even if you think we should focus on DC, first we have to win in the states — in particular, the states that keep shutting the rest of the country down. As progressives are learning the hard way, being strong in California and New York doesn’t mean squat if we are weak in Louisiana, Nebraska, and Connecticut. If we’re going to win in DC in the long run, in key states like these we’ve got to build year-round campaign coalitions that know how to kick ass together. As the Right has demonstrated, state and local fights are great way to build that base.

There’s already lots of Enviro activist work going on at the local level, and some of it, such as the Sierra Club’s Cool Cities campaign, is coordinated. Similarly, in the Progressive States Network’s very sharp 2010 Shared Multistate Agenda, one of the six key areas state legislators across the country have agreed to fight for in a coordinated way is promoting Green Buildings.

So if there is already lots going on, what exactly am I proposing? Let me put it this way: do you know what your city or state’s plan is to reduce its emissions? Unless you’re an Enviro policy geek or live in New York City, probably not. Most of us are not paying attention to local or state fights. Suppose we did — all at once.

In short, what I’m talking about is a strategic play — moving money, energy, and other resources from the DC board to the state/local board.

Up Next: the moves already being made on the local board that demonstrate we can win big if we go local.

What the Health Insurance Companies Lost

A lot of progressives are really pissed off at the crappy compromises that went into the healthcare bill. So am I. But after having a little time to let go of the fury I felt at just how much we’d lost, and after learning more about the details, I now think some of our friends are misreading this as a full-blown corporate win. In doing so they aren’t taking seriously some of the long-term strategic advantages provided by the bill. James Surowiecki explains a crucial one:

Politicians on both sides of the aisle overwhelmingly believe [...] that insurance companies should be prohibited from taking preëxisting conditions into account when setting prices or extending coverage. Both the House and the Senate reform bills include language banning this. Even Republicans have been vehement on the subject: Senator Tom Coburn, of Oklahoma, has said that “everyone agrees” that we need to eliminate the use of preëxisting conditions, while Senator Chuck Grassley, of Iowa, declared that insurers have to be barred from “charging higher premiums to people who are sick.” The insurance companies themselves have accepted that the only factors they’ll be allowed to take into account in setting prices will be age, region, and whether or not someone smokes….

So where’s the contradiction? Well, Congress’s support for community rating [i.e., no exclusions based on pre-existing conditions] and universal access doesn’t fit well with its insistence that health-care reform must rely on private insurance companies. After all, measuring risk, and setting prices accordingly, is the raison d’être of a health-insurance company. The way individual insurance works now, risk and price are linked. If you’re a triathlete with no history of cancer in your family, you’re a reasonably good risk, and so you can get an affordable policy that will protect you against unforeseen disaster; if you’re overweight with high blood pressure and a history of heart problems, your risk of becoming seriously ill is substantial, and therefore private insurers will either charge you high premiums or not offer you coverage at all. This kind of risk evaluation—what’s called “medical underwriting”—is fundamental to the insurance business. But it is precisely what all the new reform plans will ban. Congress is effectively making private insurers unnecessary, yet continuing to insist that we can’t do without them.

The truth is that we could do just fine without them: an insurance system with community rating and universal access has no need of private insurers….

So if you want to make health insurance available to everyone, regardless of risk, the most sensible solution would be to expand Medicare to everyone. That’s not going to happen…. Instead of replacing private insurance companies, the proposed reforms would, in theory, turn them into something like public utilities. That’s how it works in the Netherlands and Switzerland, with reasonably good results.

Yes, this puts a lot of money in insurance company pockets. And yes, insurance company stock went up after the bill broke the deadlock — it was much better than the position many had expected they’d end up in. But eliminating real risk management is in no way what insurance companies wanted.

Insurance companies will try to find ways to get around the new rules, but it’s a dangerous game. Every time they find and exploit loopholes, more regulations will get passed to close them. And with each round of evade and crackdown, Surowiecki’s question — do we really need health insurance companies anymore? – will gain traction.