Pulling a Brady

I’ve been looking for a phrase to capture a particularly bizarre piece of behavior — when people who want to cut the government complain about the government not doing enough. I think I’m going to call it Pulling a Brady, in honor of representative Kevin Brady of Texas. From the Wall Street Journal a few weeks ago:

Protesters who attended Saturday’s Tea Party rally in Washington found a new reason to be upset: Apparently they are unhappy with the level of service provided by the subway system.

Rep. Kevin Brady asked for an explanation of why the government-run subway system didn’t, in his view, adequately prepare for this past weekend’s rally to protest government spending and government services.

Seriously.

The Texas Republican on Wednesday released a letter he sent to Washington’s Metro system complaining that the taxpayer-funded subway system was unable to properly transport protesters to the rally to protest government spending and expansion.

As Sing City Chronicles points out, this complaint took a pretty high degree of chutzpah given Brady’s voting record:

Back in July HR3288, a Transportation and HUD appropriations bill, came up for a vote. It included $150 million for emergency maintenance funding for the DC Metro.

Brady voted against it.

You know that the History Gods are shining down on you when the weasel du jour has a name like Brady. “Here’s the story of a lovely…”

Review: Getting Green Done


Engineer Jan L. A.van de Snepscheut said, “In theory, there is no difference between theory and practice. But, in practice, there is.” (p.9)

That’s one of the main points of a terrific new book, Getting Green Done: Hard Truths from the Front Lines of the Sustainability Revolution, by Auden Schendler. Schendler is the executive director of sustainability at Aspen Skiing Company, a luxury ski resort that decided to go green. Getting Green Done is the story of what happened.

Schendler says there’s a basic problem with the Enviro movement — folks aren’t willing to tell the truth of just how hard it often is to go green.

Deep beneath the surface of one of many green “success stories” you read about in the news and you’ll frequently find something more like Apocalypse Now than a finely tuned operation. This doesn’t mean that we give up. But we need to recognize that it’s wanting to watch a PowerPoint presentation on corporate sustainability, and another thing entirely to make a real. ( p.11)

Why do people hide the truth? Enviros are afraid of giving their adversaries ammunition. Green consultants are afraid the truth will scare off clients looking for a quick fix. Green gurus want simple stories with happy endings. And folks like Schendler? Take the case of a company that’s just finished creating a green building.

The problem is that once you’ve gone through the green building process, you are scared to point out the warts because your work is now considered a model and you’re getting huge PR for it. (p.11)

And that makes it hard for us to learn from our mistakes.

What we need, he says, is “more grunts, fewer visionaries”.

“we all need to be part of an army of foot soldiers, laboring in the trenches, for years, making mistakes, failing, learning, and moving forward, one bloody yard at a time. And then we must go to the bar and talk about our experiences, over beers and tequila shots… To that end, this book is the story from the front lines you haven’t heard yet, because often that story is embarrassing. (p. 23)

Up next week: Schendler walks the banana peel walk, A.K.A. the Practitioner’s Perspective

Great Parody, Scary Reality

How do you do smart, funny progressive propaganda? Like this:

And that’s pretty damn impressive considering how hard it’s becoming to parody insurance companies.

Take the letter America’s Health Insurance Plans’ President and CEO Karen Ignagni sent to Max Baucus. Among other requests, Think Progress explains, the insurance companies said, we really, really need to keep shutting folks out of insurance:

“This means that benefit packages should give consumers flexible options to meet diverse needs and be aligned with the level of premium subsidies provided by Congress, and that the coverage requirement needs to avoid creating incentives for healthy people to forego the purchase of coverage,” Ignagni writes. The letter also expresses concerns about the new national benefit standards.

In other words, insurers want to design packages that attract healthier applicants and deter “enrollment by those in poorer health.” “For example, insurers could offer a benefits design that omits or severely limits services needed by people with serious medical conditions, while offering richer benefits in other areas such as vision care or health-club memberships.”

But don’t cut insurance company Medicare subsidies!

The Baucus bill would eliminate the 13% overpayment to private insurance plans that provide Medicare-like benefits at a higher rate, without improving quality. Under the bill, private insurers would have to submit to a competitive bidding process. “We have strong concerns about the proposed funding cuts in Medicare Advantage,” Ignagni wrote.

Oy.

"Stack the Deck" Doesn't Quite Work

While playing around with the new rules metaphor, I realized it’s also time to replace one of my favorites: Stack the Deck in Favor of the Good Guys. I really like juxtaposing stacking the deck with good guys. But there’s a problem with that metaphor — control.

According to Wikipedia:

The term originated from the magician’s gimmick of “stacking the deck”, which involves presenting a deck of cards that appears to have been randomly shuffled but which is, in fact, arranged in a preconceived order. The magician knows the order and so is able to control the outcome of the trick; the audience is unaware of the gimmick. In poker a deck can be ‘stacked’ so certain hands are dealt to certain players.

The problem is, you can’t control the economy. Sure, there are small pieces of the economy where you can at least temporarily control the outcome. But as a metaphor to build a model around, it implies way too much control.

Oh well. Time to look for a new metaphor.

Ecosystem vs. Rules of the Game

I’ve been struggling with the RTE model’s central metaphor — the economy as ecosystem. Morgensen’s bizarrely optimistic proposal is a good example of why I think I need another metaphor.

The ecosystem metaphor’s got a lot going for it. It’s very rich and evocative. It’s also got a lot of room for being playful — I think “ecosystem” and goofy examples like lionesses come to mind.

But there’s one issue it really doesn’t handle well — the power to fundamentally alter the way the ecosystem works. Sure, humans can; that’s what global warming is about. But for the most part other critters can’t. So when it comes to incorporating how Wall Street pushes for “deregulation” or drug companies polluting the information stream that doctors and patients have to make decisions, the ecosystem metaphor just isn’t working for me.

So, I’m going to play around with a new metaphor: the economy as a game whose rules we can partly shape.


UPDATE: a friend nicely summed up one of the advantages of the game/rules metaphor:
Sports and games are two areas where rules are understood to be made up, not just “natural” forces of the market.

Oaths for "Perfectly Virtuous" Regulators vs Checks and Balances

What happens when an economic model can’t straightforwardly deal with the role of power in the economy? You get bizarre ideas like the one presented in the New York Times.

Gretchen Morgenson, one of the smartest business writers around, asks what we’re going to do about the financial regulators who completely failed us.

Even though calamitous lending practices laid waste to the nation’s economy, surprisingly little has changed about how the financial arena operates and is supervised…. Senior regulators who stood idly by for years as financial firms built their houses of cards have been rewarded with even bigger jobs or are jockeying for increased responsibilities. The Federal Reserve Board, for example, wants to become the financial system’s uber-regulator, even though its officials did nothing as banks made deadly decisions to lend recklessly and leverage themselves to the max….

Yet those in the public sector ask us to believe that regulators who snoozed during the credit bubble will be alert to emerging problems on their beats when the next mania begins.

Her solution: a proposal by Prof. Edward J. Kane.

To bring accountability to regulatory performance, Mr. Kane suggests that financial supervisors take an oath of office in which they agree to perform four duties. First is the duty of vision, under which they would promise to adapt their surveillance practices to respond to the creative ways financial institutions hide their dubious practices. Regulators must also promise to take prompt corrective action, and to perform their work efficiently. Finally, there is what Mr. Kane calls the duty of “conscientious representation,” whereby regulators swear to put the interests of the community ahead of their own….

To ensure that regulators live up to the promises they make, Mr. Kane suggests that inspectors general at each agency be charged with regularly auditing the performance of financial overseers. A crucial component of those reviews would be exploring attempts by regulated entities to influence the officials who oversee them.

In doing so, we could strive for “perfectly virtuous” financial regulators:

“If real world supervisors were perfectly virtuous, they would make themselves politically and financially accountable for the ways in which they exercise their discretion,” he writes. “Perfectly virtuous supervisors would fearlessly bond themselves to disclose enough information about their decision making to allow the community or interested outsiders to determine whether and how badly they neglect, abuse, or mishandle their responsibilities.”

Maybe we could also get the regulators to wear togas?

Oaths and inspector generals vs. Wall Street is like me vs. Mike Tyson — not even a crack addict would have trouble figuring out who’s gonna win.

If you’re going to ratchet down Wall Street’s power to influence regulators, there are only 2 ways to do it: chop way back the size of Wall Street, or create checks and balances. The fact that someone as thoughtful and knowledgeable as Morgenson can’t see that — that she’d write a column about oaths and inspector generals — shows just how big the power blind spot is the conventional economic model.

Dean Baker: the Market As a River

I’ve been reading Dean Baker’s The Conservative Nanny State, which, in between joyfully slapping conservatives upside the head, wrestles with how to talk about the relationship between government and market.

Here’s Baker’s basic argument:

the nanny state conservatives have been incredibly successful in structuring the political debate over the last quarter century. They have laid out a framework in which they are perceived as wanting the market to control major areas of the economy and society, while their liberal and progressive opponents want the government to take control. The nanny state conservatives have succeeded in having key forms of government intervention that shaped the market pulled off the table, so that they are never discussed. The liberal/progressive opposition is then left to cry for the helping hand of government to reverse market outcomes, rather than trying to reconfigure the rules to produce a different set of outcomes.(p.14)

The Nanny State conservative strategy works in part because liberals and progressives have bought into it:

Many people have become comfortable with the framing “we like the government, they like the market,” but it is both wrong and politically ineffective. (p. 108)

If we are going to dump the conservative frame for talking about the government and the market, what do we use instead? Baker says, think of the market as a river:

The market is an incredibly powerful force. Good policy seeks to harness it in ways that produce desirable social outcomes. It is much easier to have the river flow in the right direction, then try to block its path and have it flow backwards. The nanny state conservatives have spent the last quarter century putting in place a set of policies and rules that ensures the river flows in a way that sends income upwards. If these rules are not challenged, then it will be impossible to design policies that ensure that the bulk of the population enjoys a decent standard of living. (p. 107)

I like where Dean is heading. But I don’t think the metaphor of the market as a river will do the job.

First, without any human intervention, rivers naturally flow in a particular direction. Rivers don’t need the Army Corps of Engineers. But capitalism — or at least capitalism as anyone in their right mind would want it — doesn’t exist without government.

Second, rivers aren’t actors in their own right (at least not that we are aware of). It’s not like a few streams that feed into the river can start tweeting each other, “f this, let’s make our own dm river!” Or that the left bank of a river can decide, I’m tired of the right riverbank always getting the better view of sunrises, I’m going to force us to make a right turn up ahead so I get an equal view. Not so for commercial banks.

Do I have a better metaphor yet? No, so it’s hard for me to be too critical. And it’s a really fun book; Dean is a man who knows how to swing a cudgel and have a good time doing it. Overall, it’s a useful step in the right direction of creating a new model for talking about the economy.
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Propaganda's B Team: Kelloggs' "Smart Choice" Froot Loops

As we’ve seen, Big Pharma’s very sophisticated in how they pollute the info doctors and patients have take decisions about drugs. Food manufacturers? Not so much.

A new food-labeling campaign called Smart Choices, backed by most of the nation’s largest food manufacturers, is “designed to help shoppers easily identify smarter food and beverage choices.”

Two “Smart Choices”: Cocoa Krispies and Froot Loops.

Eileen T. Kennedy, “president of the Smart Choices board and the dean of the Friedman School of Nutrition Science and Policy at Tufts University,” says, yes, these are smart choices:

“You’re rushing around, you’re trying to think about healthy eating for your kids and you have a choice between a doughnut and a cereal,” Dr. Kennedy said, evoking a hypothetical parent in the supermarket. “So Froot Loops is a better choice.”

If this was a movie, critics would say it was left-wing propaganda, with Dr. Kennedy a straw man.

Speaking of straw, that would probably be a Smart Choice too:

“You could start out with some sawdust, add calcium or Vitamin A and meet the criteria,” Mr. Jacobson [executive director of the Center for Science in the Public Interest] said.

Interestingly, part of the argument folks like Dr. Kennedy are making in favor of Smart Choices is that it’s based on research on how the non-rational ways people actually make decisions:

She said the program was also influenced by research into consumer behavior. That research showed that, while shoppers wanted more information, they did not want to hear negative messages or feel their choices were being dictated to them.

“The checkmark means the food item is a ‘better for you’ product, as opposed to having an x on it saying ‘Don’t eat this,’ ” Dr. Kennedy said. “Consumers are smart enough to deduce that if it doesn’t have the checkmark, by implication it’s not a ‘better for you’ product. They want to have a choice. They don’t want to be told ‘You must do this.’ ”

Ditto for Dr. Clark, another member of the Smart Choices board, who argues

the program’s standard for sugar in cereals was consistent with federal dietary guidelines that say that “small amounts of sugar” added to nutrient-dense foods like breakfast cereals can make them taste better. That, in theory, will encourage people to eat more of them, which would increase the nutrients in their diet.

Given what a sad excuse for propaganda this program is, is it really worth it for the food companies?
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Drug Companies v Moral Hazard Geeks: Why Traditional Econ Models Don't Cut It

Aside from being truly appalling, the subject of last week’s post is a great example of how traditional economic models don’t work. To recap via the New York Times:

A growing body of evidence suggests that doctors at some of the nation’s top medical schools have been attaching their names and lending their reputations to scientific papers that were drafted by ghostwriters working for drug companies — articles that were carefully calibrated to help the manufacturers sell more products.

If you asked Professor Saviro about the way drug companies infect the information patients and their doctors have to make decisions, I’m sure he’d say yes of course this is bad. But when he and many other smart policy geeks when they write about reforming health care, these appalling facts are never front and center. They’re quietly shoved under the rug.

A good economic framework wouldn’t let that happen. I’m not sure how to diagram this; this is my first draft.

A traditional model emphasizing moral hazard looks like this:

Market rules Government sets taxes to push companies to pay for insurance
Organizations My employer pays most of my health care costs
Individuals Should I get this pill? It doesn’t cost me a lot

The RTE model adds in how drug companies try to shape market rules:

Market rules Government sets taxes to push companies to pay for insurance Big Pharma ghosts articles promoting their drugs
Organizations My employer pays most of my health care costs my doctor’s practice is biased towards these drugs
Individuals Should I get this pill? It doesn’t cost me a lot I am biased towards these drugs

Imagine if any economic discussion of health care was working from a model like this. How much time would these discussions spend trying to come up with ways of jacking up patients to get rid of moral hazard vs. asking how drug companies ended up with this much power and what do we do about it?

More importantly, if every economic argument worked off of a model like this, we might actually be having a debate right now. Because if you’re working from this model, the first question you’re going to ask when “death panels” are injected into the discussion is, which economic actors are pushing the idea of these nonexistent death panels?

Folks like Media Matters, the Rachel Maddow Show, and many blogs are trying to get these facts into the debate, but they dismissed as corporate-hating liberals. Part of the reason the media can get away with this is because traditional models only pay attention to column 2. But with the RTE model, you’re forced also pay attention to column 3.

And as RTE explains, this isn’t about evil behavior. It’s perfectly rational and expected behavior. Unlike lionesses, who can only win by playing by the rules of their ecosystem, corporations can also try to win by changing the rules of their ecosystem.

If policy geeks took seriously the realities that are baked into this model, we’d be looking at a very different kind of discussion.


UPDATE: I’m not naive enough to think that policy geeks determine media coverage. But if everybody who was serious worked from an economic model that didn’t deny reality, I think more reporters — and more importantly, more editors — would have a hard time just running quotes from policy geeks who didn’t use the model. Given the on-the-one-hand, on-the-other-hand style of coverage we’ve got now, the policy geeks who are just shills would still get lots of coverage. But at least the debate would have a little more reality to it.

Is Grassley a Socialist?

Monday’s post explored how Big Pharma ghostwrites articles for doctors to promote their drugs. Universities, the AMA — they’re all basically do what they can to avoid seriously dealing with this crisis in medical ethics. Guess who’s decided to step in? Senator Charles Obama-wants-death-panels, “the government is a predator not a competitor” Grassley.

Grassley recently sent a letter to National Institute of Health saying they need to crack down. Why is Grassley putting pressure on the NIH as opposed to, say, lobbying the AMA? As the New York Times explains,

That is significant because the N.I.H., a federal agency in Bethesda, Md., underwrites much of the country’s medical research. Many of the nation’s top doctors depend on federal grants to support their work, and attaching fresh conditions to those grants could be a powerful lever for enforcing new ethical guidelines on the universities.

In other words, Grassley wants to the power of Big Predator Government to distort the market — and, one assumes, destroy freedom. Senator, feel free to send your next corporate donation here.